Introduction
The most significant development in the North Caucasus over the past two weeks was the appointment of a new acting head of Dagestan. The new administration is expected to strengthen the Kremlin’s control over the republic and further consolidate federal influence in the region. At the same time, all North Caucasian republics have been actively preparing for Victory Day on 9 May, which carries major symbolic importance in Russia as a commemoration of the Soviet victory in the Second World War.
Below are the main developments seen across the North Caucasian republics.
Adyghea
In Maykop, the capital of Adygea, a military-patriotic game known as Zarnitsa 2 was held, involving approximately 300 school pupils. The competition featured three age groups: juniors (ages 7–10), middle (ages 11–13), and upper-middle (ages 14–17). The programme included activities such as tactical medicine, drills, shooting, survival in extreme conditions, UAV operation, and other disciplines. The winning teams will go on to represent the Republic of Adygea at the national level.
Military-patriotic education has become a priority in Russia since the beginning of the war in Ukraine. North Caucasian republics have regularly organised such initiatives. For the Russian authorities, fostering a sense of patriotism and loyalty to the Russian army is a key objective, particularly among populations in the North Caucasus. In Adygea, many Circassians retain strong nationalist sentiments and a historical memory of the 19th-century deportations and mass violence. In this context, programmes such as Zarnitsa 2 can be seen as an attempt to neutralise, or at least soften, these grievances.
Karachaevo-Cherkesia
Relatives of Rauf Arashukov, who is serving a life sentence, have been denied his transfer to another prison. His relatives and lawyers had been attempting to secure his transfer from a prison in Orenburg Oblast to the Republic of Mordovia. Arashukov is currently serving his sentence in the “Black Dolphin” prison, one of the strictest penitentiary institutions in Russia. Previously, he was fined and received an additional 10 years of imprisonment for attempting to bribe a prison employee to secure better conditions.
Rauf Arashukov represents the once-powerful Arashukov clan, which was highly influential in the Karachaevo-Cherkessia Republic. The Arashukov family used to control major gas companies; however, in 2019, Russian authorities began a crackdown on the clan. Arashukov’s father, Raul Arashukov, was also arrested and later died in prison. It is noteworthy that the Arashukovs are ethnic Circassians and are well respected among nationalist circles in the republic.
Kabardino-Balkaria
This year, as it did last year, the government of Kabardino-Balkaria decided not to hold public events related to Victory Day on 9 May. Local authorities will also not organise the “Immortal Regiment” march, which involves participants walking with portraits of relatives who fought in World War II. According to the decision, the event will instead be held online. Neighbouring Karachaevo-Cherkessia will also hold the event in an online format. These precautionary measures are connected to the risk of Ukrainian drone strikes. Due to the same uncertainty, the military parade in Moscow will be held without military vehicles.
The “Immortal Regiment” is an important symbolic event that has been held annually over the past decades. As the number of World War II veterans has declined and fewer have been able to participate in annual commemorations, a new practice emerged: participants carry portraits of veterans during the march. North Caucasian leaders take part in these events and actively promote them among the younger generation in order to cultivate a sense of respect for World War II veterans.
North Ossetia
Forbes magazine has published its latest list of Russian billionaires for 2026. It includes two ethnic Ossetians. The first is Igor Kesaev, ranked 41st, with an estimated net worth of $4.9 billion. The 59-year-old businessman controls the company Megapolis, which he co-founded with another Ossetian billionaire, Sergei Katsiev. The company reportedly accounts for around 70% of Russia’s tobacco retail market. Sergei Katsiev, aged 68, has an estimated net worth of $1.8 billion and is ranked 79th on the list.
For a relatively small ethnic group such as the Ossetians, having two billionaires is a notable phenomenon. Given this disproportionate concentration of wealth, such individuals could potentially exert influence over domestic politics in North Ossetia. A comparable example is the Dagestani billionaire Suleyman Kerimov, who has significant influence in parts of southern Dagestan. However, to date, neither Igor Kesaev nor Sergei Katsiev has expressed any clear interest in participating in the domestic politics of North Ossetia.
Ingushetia
The head of Ingushetia, Mahmud-Ali Kalimatov, did not disclose the overall unemployment rate in the republic. Although he stated that unemployment had decreased by 5.6%, and that the register of unemployed individuals included around 15,000 people, no total figure was provided. According to Rosstat (Russia’s state statistics agency), the unemployment rate in the fourth quarter of 2025 exceeded 25%, and the average resident required approximately six months to find employment. By comparison, the national unemployment rate in Russia stood at around 2%.
Ingushetia remains one of the least economically developed regions of Russia. The republic’s budget is heavily dependent on transfers from the federal centre, and it lacks both major industrial enterprises and profitable natural resources. As a result of persistent unemployment, many residents have migrated to other parts of Russia in search of work. For example, a sizeable Ingush community has formed in the gold-rich Magadan region, where individuals are involved in activities such as mining, trade and, in some cases, informal or illicit economic practices. To date, successive administrations in Ingushetia have struggled to address these structural economic challenges and to bring the region closer to the national average.
Chechnya
A new group of combatants has been deployed to Ukraine from Chechnya. The members of the group underwent military training at the Russian University of Special Forces in Gudermes before departing from Grozny Airport. During the departure, some recruits were seen holding Soviet Union flags. The Prime Minister of the Chechen Republic, Magomed Daudov, attended the ceremony marking the dispatch of the new contingent. According to official figures, a total of 70,520 Chechens have served in Ukraine to date, including 24,500 volunteers. Approximately 14,000 are currently deployed in the conflict zone.
Chechnya is one of the leading regions in terms of per capita recruitment of fighters for the war in Ukraine. The administration of Ramzan Kadyrov has taken a particularly active approach to mobilisation. In some cases, local authorities have reportedly pressured police officers and public sector employees to deploy to Ukraine. There are also reports that, on occasion, individuals have been sent to the conflict zone as a form of punishment, including for offences such as gambling, drug use or expressing support for opposition groups.
Dagestan
A new acting head of Dagestan has been appointed following the resignation of Sergei Melikov. The position has been assumed by Fedor Shukin. Shukin is ethnically Russian and has no known ties to Dagestan. He built his career within the judiciary and served as a judge in several regions of Russia. His most recent position was that of Chairman of the Supreme Court of Dagestan. Elections for the head of the republic are scheduled to take place in September.
Shukin’s appointment reflects the continuation of a broader trend towards increasing federal control over the North Caucasian republics. Whereas in the 1990s and 2000s Moscow largely relied on local ethnic clans, granting them a certain degree of autonomy and refraining from interference in domestic affairs, since 2018, the Kremlin has increasingly appointed ethnic Russians or highly Russified figures to leading positions in Dagestan. Contrary to expectations, Magomed Ramazanov, who is considered to be well embedded in Dagestan’s local political environment, was not selected for the post. However, this policy has not necessarily guaranteed stability for Moscow in the republic. Examples often cited as evidence of Melikov’s shortcomings include the anti-Jewish riots at Makhachkala Airport and his administration’s inadequate response to the aftermath of the deadly floods in the republic. Whether the new leadership will be able to establish firmer control over Dagestan remains uncertain and will become clear over time.