In the post-Soviet period, one of the main challenges for developing bilateral relations among Central Asian countries was establishing common borders. During the Soviet era, borders served primarily administrative purposes. However, after 1991, when five independent states emerged in Central Asia, the process of defining state borders and addressing mutual claims led to tensions across the region. This long period of confrontation and negotiation culminated in the signing of a historic agreement on March 31, 2025, marking the first time that the Central Asian countries had no territorial disputes with one another. Resolving this complex territorial conflict opens the door to a new era of regional cooperation.
The Signing of a Historic Agreement
On March 31, 2025, the leaders of three Central Asian states – Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan – finalized trilateral negotiations and signed two significant documents: the “Agreement between the Republic of Tajikistan, the Kyrgyz Republic, and the Republic of Uzbekistan on the Point of Contact of the State Borders of the Three States” and the “Khujand Declaration on Eternal Friendship.” The signing ceremony was held at the residence of the President of Tajikistan in Gulistan, near Khujand (Until 1991, Khujand was known as Leninabad), which is the country’s second-largest city and the administrative center of the Sughd region, located in the Fergana Valley.
Kyrgyz President Sadyr Zhaparov, Tajik President Emomali Rahmon, and Uzbek President Shavkat Mirziyoyev signed the agreement. Following the official discussions, the three leaders participated in a festive celebration of Nowruz and Kurban Bayram, one of the most important Islamic holidays.
To commemorate the agreement, a “Friendship Stele” was erected at the location where the borders of the three states converge. This monument symbolizes friendship, good neighborliness, and mutual understanding among the countries. The border junction is situated in the Fergana Valley, where Uzbekistan’s Fergana region meets Kyrgyzstan’s Batken region and Tajikistan’s Isfara district in the Sughd region.
The presidents participated in the unveiling ceremony of the stele remotely. During the event, they simultaneously pressed a specially designed button, after which their representatives proceeded to cut the ribbon ceremonially.
A significant event occurred during the meeting in Khujand, where Presidents Rahmon and Zhaparov took part in an online ceremony to inaugurate a 500-kilowatt power transmission line. This line was built as part of the regional CASA-1000 project, which connects the power systems of the two countries to export electricity to Afghanistan and Pakistan.
Timeline of the Border Conflict
The three countries share long borders, and although disputes arose during the Soviet era, these confrontations have intensified into armed conflicts in the post-Soviet period.
Soviet Period
The origins of border disputes among Central Asian countries can be traced back to decisions made during the Soviet era. In the 1920s and 1930s, Soviet authorities created the first administrative borders in the region without taking into account local ethnic and economic factors. During the Soviet era many boundaries remained legally undefined.
The borders of Central Asia were defined and marked in the 1950s; however, the countries in the region remained dissatisfied. Disputes and conflicts have periodically emerged since the Soviet era, when these borders were primarily treated as administrative boundaries rather than as state borders. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, all five countries in the region began interpreting Soviet-era maps to serve their own interests, which further fueled conflicts.
Post-Soviet Period
After the collapse of the Soviet Union and the independence of the Central Asian states in 1991, the lack of agreements on border delimitation led to disputes among these nations. Although the Alma-Ata Declaration, signed on December 21, 1991, affirmed the countries’ respect for each other’s territorial integrity and the inviolability of borders, the Central Asian states continued to maintain territorial claims against one another in practice. The multiethnic composition of certain settlements, along with the existence of eight enclaves in the region, occasionally resulted in local armed conflicts and diplomatic tensions.
Some border disputes were resolved relatively quickly. For example, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan reached an agreement on their shared border with minimal difficulties. In contrast, Uzbekistan faced much greater challenges in its relations with neighboring states. The country’s first president, Islam Karimov, was unwilling to compromise. During his tenure, Tashkent unilaterally demarcated portions of the border and constructed various barriers and checkpoints along disputed areas with Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan. Following the 1999 incursion of the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan into the Fergana Valley, Uzbekistan even went so far as to mine certain sections of the border.
Uzbekistan’s Border Disputes and Challenging Negotiations with Kyrgyzstan
Uzbekistan began negotiations for border delimitation in 2000. Between 2000 and 2002, the country reached border agreements with Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, and partially with Tajikistan. However, talks with Kyrgyzstan were much more challenging, extending from 2000 to 2016. This situation changed dramatically after the death of Islam Karimov when Shavkat Mirziyoyev became president in 2016. Mirziyoyev fundamentally reshaped Uzbekistan’s foreign policy, prioritizing the normalization of relations with neighboring countries. In Uzbekistan’s Development Strategy for 2017-2021, the legal clarification of international borders was identified as a key objective. As a result of these new policies, longstanding disputes began to be resolved, and by the 2020s, all border conflicts had been settled.
The most pressing issue for Uzbekistan was reaching a border agreement with Kyrgyzstan and clarifying the status of the Kempir-Abad reservoir. This process was further complicated by internal opposition within Kyrgyzstan. President Zhaparov’s compromise measures were seen domestically as unexpected concessions, which led to protests. On October 24-25, 2022, authorities detained 27 activists from the Kempir-Abad Committee, who opposed the transfer of the reservoir to Uzbekistan. They were charged with organizing mass unrest and attempting to seize power. The reservoir, covering an area of 4,400 hectares, was constructed in 1983 on Kyrgyz territory, along the border of the Osh and Jalal-Abad regions, adjacent to Uzbekistan’s Andijan region. Situated at the gateway to the Fergana Valley, the reservoir holds critical importance for Uzbekistan’s agriculture.
In September 2022, President Zhaparov hosted Uzbek Prime Minister Abdul Aripov in Bishkek, where they announced an agreement, although the details were not disclosed at that time. On October 10, Kamchibek Tashiev, the head of Kyrgyzstan’s State Committee for National Security, confirmed rumors that the Kempir-Abad reservoir would be transferred to Uzbekistan in exchange for land. According to Kyrgyz officials, the agreement established a joint venture to manage the reservoir, and ensured that Kyrgyz citizens would have free access to its water. Ultimately, in November 2022, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan signed an agreement to demarcate their shared border.
Tajikistan-Kyrgyzstan Border Dispute
The most challenging negotiations in the region have taken place between Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan. Bilateral talks began in 2002, but disputes often escalated into armed clashes over land, access roads, and water resources. In the 2000s and 2010s, these conflicts were primarily fought with hunting rifles available to local residents. However, by 2021-2022, the confrontations had intensified into full military engagements involving armed forces, artillery, and drones.
In April 2021, Kyrgyzstan unilaterally closed its border with Tajikistan following an armed clash in the border region. From September 14 to 17, 2022, more than one hundred people were killed in heavy fighting in Kyrgyzstan’s Batken region, and the Kyrgyz authorities were forced to evacuate over 100,000 residents. Each side blamed the other for initiating the confrontation. At the time, the leaders of both countries were in Samarkand for the Shanghai Cooperation Organization summit, and it was only through their intervention that an immediate ceasefire was reached.
The improvement of relations between the two countries was further hindered by the tense personal dynamics between their leaders, Rahmon and Zhaparov. The situation was worsened by nationalist and populist rhetoric in both nations, which political leaders employed to rally domestic support. Both sides played a role in escalating tensions: Kyrgyz authorities issued ultimatums to Tajikistan and conducted military exercises near the border, while Tajikistan dismissed Kyrgyz demands and proposals.
Despite the heated confrontations, both sides ultimately reached an agreement, which surprised many observers. The resolution of the Kyrgyz-Tajik border dispute was also aided by the broader normalization of Uzbekistan’s relations with its neighbors. On February 21, 2025, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan signed a historic agreement on border delimitation. The heads of the two countries’ security services – Saymumin Yatimov from Tajikistan and Kamchibek Tashiev from Kyrgyzstan – signed a protocol on border delimitation in Bishkek. Both officials had been directly involved in the negotiations. In addition to the protocol, they also signed two agreements regarding the distribution of transport infrastructure and water resources. Later, on February 27, Tashiev addressed the Kyrgyz parliament, stating that the negotiations had been “very difficult” and emphasizing that both sides had to make compromises to reach a consensus.
On March 6, 2025, President Zhaparov announced that the border issue between Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan had been fully resolved. He explained that the conflict had arisen from small plots of land where communities had lived for centuries, leading to recurring border disputes. One specific area highlighted was the Vorukh enclave, where residents had utilized 5,000 hectares of land for grazing. According to Zhaparov, the resolution involved an exchange of checkerboard-patterned areas where conflicts had frequently occurred.
An agreement regarding the delimitation and demarcation of the Kyrgyz-Tajik border was signed during President Rahmon’s visit to Kyrgyzstan on March 13, 2025. The two presidents authorized their border service chiefs to reopen the frontier, which allowed for the resumption of operations at two checkpoints: Kairagach and Kizil-Bel. For the first time since 2021, crossing the border became possible.
The negotiations were highly challenging, with each side relying on maps that supported its own claims. Tajikistan referenced maps from the years 1924 to 1927, while Kyrgyzstan used maps from a later period. The situation was further complicated by the presence of two Tajik enclaves, Vorukh and Kairagach, which are located within Kyrgyz territory. Under the terms of the final agreement, portions of this land were transferred to Kyrgyzstan in exchange for other territories. In total, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan exchanged approximately 190 hectares of land each, with both sides receiving equal portions, and certain roads and areas were designated as neutral zones for shared use. The agreement also stipulated that neither side could restrict access to agricultural land or energy facilities in the border regions. Additionally, the parties signed 15 supplementary agreements addressing issues such as road access and the allocation of strategic water resources. Importantly, the Kyrgyz-Tajik accord resolved the question of water distribution from the Golovnoye intake, which is supplied by the river known as the Ak-Su in Kyrgyzstan and the Isfara in Tajikistan. With this settlement, the last outstanding territorial dispute in Central Asia was resolved.
The Kyrgyz–Tajik agreement did not meet the approval of everyone. In March 2025, Kyrgyz MP Sultanbaya Aizgigitov lost his parliamentary mandate after publicly criticizing the border deal with Tajikistan. This discontent could potentially be used by various political groups in the future.
Who and How Evaluated the Tripartite Agreement?
Russia
The Russian Foreign Ministry expressed support for the agreements signed on March 31. “Russia applauds the decisions made, which are designed to enhance friendly relations and mutually beneficial cooperation among our closest allies. The agreements achieved will provide new momentum for the development of good-neighborly and partnership relations among the three states, contributing to the stability and security of the Central Asian region,” the statement declared.
Interestingly, Russia has refrained from mediating disputes among its allies within the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO). Since the onset of its full-scale military aggression in Ukraine, Moscow’s role has become even more passive. President Vladimir Putin met briefly with leaders Zhaparov and Rahmon, after which he indicated that Russia “refuses to act as a mediator.” Instead, Putin suggested that Soviet-era maps would be retrieved from the archives to assist the nations in finding a resolution. Russia’s previous experience in 2020 may also influence this reluctance, when the Russian Foreign Ministry opted not to intervene as a mediator.
Uzbekistan
In the context of Russia’s passivity, Uzbekistan has taken on a more proactive role. Since 2018, the country has been organizing summits focused on regional integration, excluding the participation of Russia and China. In 2025, with Uzbekistan’s support, dialogue between President Rahmon and President Zhaparov was resumed. According to the Uzbek president, “The signed documents will ensure stability and sustainable development while enhancing the international standing of the entire region. The ceremonial unveiling of the Friendship Stele will serve as a new symbol of strengthened good-neighborly relations, trust, and strategic partnership among the fraternal countries.”
Kyrgyzstan
According to the President of Kyrgyzstan, establishing the state border is a step towards fostering good neighborly relations, enhancing stability, strengthening security, and promoting joint development.
Tajikistan
The President of Tajikistan stated that the meeting of the three countries’ leaders in Khujand signifies the onset of a new phase in their relations. “Fostering close cooperation among our peoples is a key priority of Tajikistan’s foreign policy. We view the outcomes of today’s meetings as essential for renewing and initiating a qualitatively new stage in the relations among our three nations.” He emphasized that the signed border agreement holds historical significance and reflects the steadfast commitment of all parties to resolve differences through peaceful means.
Turkey
As per the Turkish Foreign Ministry, the agreement will promote peace, stability, and cooperation in Central Asia.
Iran
Iran expressed its support for the trilateral agreement. A representative from the Iranian Foreign Ministry stated, “The signing of these agreements is an important step toward respecting each other’s territorial integrity and sovereignty, and toward strengthening peace and stability in Central Asia.”
European Union
The European Union (EU) has the least presence in Central Asia compared to other regions, but the increasing stability offers new opportunities for cooperation. The historic Central Asia-EU Summit, held in Samarkand on April 4, 2025, established a solid foundation for fostering such collaboration. The EU’s primary interests include combating extremism, enhancing trade and transport corridors, and developing alternative energy routes. However, these interests could be jeopardized if instability arises.
What Benefits Can the Countries of the Region Receive?
The agreement is a significant step towards achieving peace, stability, and cooperation in Central Asia, which helps alleviate uncertainty in the relationships among neighboring states.
Disagreements over borders have long caused tension and conflict. However, with a legal agreement now established and political relations starting to improve, the prospects for stable development in the region have significantly increased. Resolving border disputes will also help address current water-related issues and create opportunities for joint infrastructure projects.
Eliminating current obstacles to regional cooperation will create new opportunities, facilitating collaboration in the economy, trade, logistics, and energy, and allowing for the participation of non-regional states in these initiatives.
What Are the Risks?
Despite the signing of a historic agreement and the commitment from leaders of all three countries to cooperate, it is still uncertain how the border demarcation process will develop in regions where Kyrgyz and Tajik homes are intermingled in a checkerboard pattern.
There is still uncertainty about how shared infrastructure, such as roads and reservoirs, will be managed in practice. For example, it is challenging to predict how the commitment to ensure that local populations have unrestricted access to water distribution facilities and irrigation canals will be put into action. The border agreement may trigger protests among local populations, especially in regions with a history of resentment regarding border issues. This discontent could also be leveraged by political groups, particularly in Kyrgyzstan, for their own political agendas.
Global and regional actors, such as China, Russia, the United States, Turkey, Iran, the European Union, and Arab states, have strategic interests in the region. These interests can greatly influence developments, both positively and negatively.